Category Archives: Uncategorized

The Role of Museums in Colonial History and the Debate on Restitution 

Daste Madeleine, PhD Candidate Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Demetriou Anna, PhD Candidate Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Dhondt Emma, PhD Candidate Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium

Arianna Moretti, PhD Candidate, University of Bologna

Museums and Their Colonial Past 

Museums have long been institutions of knowledge and cultural preservation, but in recent decades, they have been increasingly criticized for their role in perpetuating colonial narratives. Many artifacts in European and North American museums were acquired during imperial expansion through military conquest, forced exchanges, or scientific expeditions. These acquisitions have led to growing ethical concerns about restitution, ownership, and the role of museums in addressing historical injustices (Hicks, 2020). 

As highlighted in the 2018 Sarr-Savoy report, commissioned by the French government, restitution is not just about returning physical objects but about restoring cultural memory and identity to nations that were deprived of their heritage. The absence of key artifacts in African and other formerly colonized nations has hindered their ability to tell their own histories (Sarr, & Savoye, 2018). 

While calls for restitution have grown stronger, the debate is complex. Arguments for keeping objects in Western museums often cite legal restrictions, conservation concerns, and the idea that certain artifacts belong to “universal heritage” rather than specific nations. However, recent developments show that museums are beginning to acknowledge the need for change. In order to illustrate this new evolution, three museums will be discussed as case studies : the AfricaMuseum in Belgium, the Grassi Museum in Germany and the Museum of Tahiti in French Polynesia. 

The AfricaMuseum (Brussels, Belgium) 

The AfricaMuseum in Brussels, formerly known as the Royal Museum for Central Africa, has undergone a significant transformation i  response to criticism of its colonial past. Originally designed as a propaganda tool to glorify Belgium’s rule in the Congo, the museum displayed African cultures through a Eurocentric lens, often portraying Congolese people as primitive and in need of European civilization. 

With growing awareness of the problematic nature of such representations, the museum underwent a major renovation, reopening in 2018 with a new approach. Instead of glorifying colonialism, it now actively engages with its past, acknowling Belgium’s exploitative history in Africa. Exhibits have been redesigned to include African perspectives, and efforts have been made to collaborate with Congolese scholars and artists. 

Despite these changes, the AfricaMuseum still faces criticism. Many believe that merely changing the narrative within the museum is not enough—full restitution of stolen artifacts to the Congo is necessary. Belgium has made some steps toward returning specific objects, but the process remains slow and politically complex (Goddeeris, 2022) [2]

The Grassi Museum (Leipzig, Germany) 

The Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde in Leipzig, Germany , is  another  institution  grappling  with  the issue of restitution. Housing  thousands  of  artifacts  from  Africa, Asia, and the Pacific,  many  of  which were acquired during Germany’s  colonial period, the museum has been at the center of debates  on provenance research and repatriation. 

A key example is the museum’s collection of artifacts from Namibia, a country that suffered brutal German colonial rule, including the Herero and Nama genocide (1904 1908). Some objects were taken as war trophies or extracted through coercion. Acknowledging the injustices of the past, the museum has actively worked with Namibian authorities to return certain artifacts. 

However, as with many restitution efforts, challenges remain. Legal frameworks, political agreements, and museum policies complicate the process. German museums have shown willingness to address these concerns, but restitution efforts are often slow and dependent on negotiations between governments. 

The Museum of Tahiti (French Polynesia) 

The Museum of Tahiti and the Islands offers a different perspective on restitution. Unlike European museums that house colonial-era artifacts, this museum is located within a former colony—French Polynesia—and serves as a repository of the region’s cultural heritage. However, much of Polynesia’s historical artifacts are still held in French museums such as the Musée du Quai Branly in Paris. 

For decades, Tahitian cultural institutions have sought the return of sacred and historically significant objects. One of the most notable cases involves the Mā’ohi objects, which hold spiritual significance for Polynesians. After years of advocacy, France finally agreed to return certain objects to the Museum of Tahiti. This decision marked an important precedent, demonstrating that restitution is possible when political will aligns with ethical considerations. 

Nevertheless, the return of a few artifacts does not fully address the broader issue. Many items remain in European institutions, and Polynesian scholars continue to argue that these objects belong in their ancestral lands, where they can be accessed by local communities rather than foreign audiences (Depaepe, 2023) [1]

Conclusive Remarks/Key Issues in the Restitution Debate 

The case studies highlight several recurring themes in the ongoing debate over restitution: 

  1. Historical Accountability vs. Legal Barriers – Many museums acknowledge the unethical origins of their collections, but are constrained by national laws that prevent them from returning objects. For instance, French law considers national collections inalienable, making restitution a complex legal issue. 
  2. Conservation and Infrastructure – Some institutions argue that artifacts are better preserved in European museums with advanced conservation technology. However, this argument has been challenged by countries that have invested in modern museums and conservation facilities. 
  3. Symbolic vs. Structural Change – Museums like the AfricaMuseum have changed their narratives but still hold onto contested artifacts. Critics argue that true decolonization requires returning objects, not just reinterpreting them. 
  4. Political and Diplomatic Implications – Restitution often involves negotiations between governments, not just museums. Some countries, like Germany, have been more open to returning objects, while others, like the UK, remain resistant. 
  5. Community Engagement—Successful restitution efforts require collaboration with source communities. Museums that work with Indigenous and local groups are more likely to develop ethical and sustainable solutions. 

References 

Depaepe, M.-C. (2023, March 1). Te fare IaManaha: Métamorphose réussie de l’ex-musée de Tahiti et des îles. Polynésie la 1ère. https://la1ere.francetvinfo.fr/polynesie/tahiti/polynesie-francaise/te-fare-iamanaha-metamorphose-reussie-de-l-ex-musee-de-tahiti-et-des-iles-1371102.html 

Goddeeris, I. (2022, November 8). Belgian colonization in the public space: From Congo pioneers to missionaries

Hicks, D. (2020). The British Museums: The Benin Bronzes, Colonial Violence and Cultural Restitution. Pluto Press. 

Sarr, F., & Savoye, B. (2018). La restitution du patrimoine culturel africain, versune nouvelle éthique relationnelle | Ministère de la Culture. https://www.culture.gouv.fr/espace-documentation/rapports/La-restitution-du-patrimoine-culturel-africain-vers-une-nouvelle-ethique-relationnelle 

Daste Madeleine, École doctorale d’archéologie, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France – madeleine.daste@etu.univ-paris1.fr  

Demetriou Anna, École doctorale d’archéologie, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France  – anna.demetriou@etu.univ-paris1.fr   

Dhondt Emma, PhD Candidate, Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium – emma.dhondt@kuleuven.be  

Arianna Moretti PhD Candidate, Department  of  Classical  Philology  and  Italian  Studies,  University of Bologna, Italy – arianna.moretti4@unibo.it  

Restitution in Motion: Decolonization of European Museums and Chinese Cultural Heritage

Martina Bruno, PhD candidate, University of Bologna & Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne

Maria Goretti Tai PhD candidate, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne & University of Bologna

Keyi Yin, PhD candidate, University of Helsinki & the University of Bologna

Looted, misrepresented, disputably owned—this is the silent story many Chinese artefacts tell from behind the glass cases of Europe’s most prestigious museums. Our research project, Decolonizing European Museums through Restitution, explores the museum practices, representational display, and legal and ethical challenges involved in returning cultural objects taken during colonial armed conflicts in China between 1839 and 1900.

Tracing Colonial Footprints

The Opium Wars and the Boxer Rebellion were not only armed conflicts but also moments of systematic cultural plunder. The burning of Beijing’s Old Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan) by the Anglo-French troops in 1860 alone led to the looting of over 1.5 million artefacts. These objects now reside in cultural institutions such as the British Museum, the National Museum of Scotland, and several major French museums: the Louvre, Musée Guimet, Fontainebleau’s Chinese Museum, and Musée Cernuschi.

These museums often emphasise the artistic or “universal” value of their holdings, historically neglecting their colonial acquisition contexts. Recent societal changes, however, have shifted museum discourse and practice such as UNESCO (2017) and UNIDROIT (1995) conventions.

Ruins of Yuanmingyuan, Beijing ©Keyi Yin

Cases of the French and British Museums

Musée Guimet, France’s national museum of Asian arts, illustrates this evolving landscape. While its origins are steeped in colonial networks, recent actions signal diplomatic and ethical reconsiderations (Musée Guimet, n.d.). Musée Cernuschi, built on a private collector’s acquisitions during the late Qing era, stands out for its efforts at cultural exchange (Musée Cernuschi, n.d.).

These institutions exemplify the shifting roles of European museums as they navigate the legacies of the empire. On the surface, exhibitions and public programs may suggest a turn toward greater transparency and dialogue. Yet beneath these gestures lie complex negotiations—legal, institutional, and discursive—that reflect broader tensions between national heritage policies and transnational calls for restitution (UNESCO, 2021). A closer look at collection histories, acquisition practices, and the languages used in museum displays reveals subtle yet telling patterns that continue to shape narratives of ownership and legitimacy.

In the British context, similar dynamics unfold, albeit framed by different legal and political infrastructures. National museums maintain a firm stance on inalienability (UK Museums Association, n.d.), but individual cases and curatorial decisions sometimes hint at internal contestation. Whether symbolic or structural, these shifts contribute to an ongoing redefinition of museum roles in post-imperial societies. A more detailed examination of these developments, grounded in both historical and contemporary analysis, is forthcoming.

Representation of Looted Chinese Artefacts in Museums: Acknowledgment or Justification?

The display of looted Chinese artefacts in European museums raises critical questions about institutional ethics: Do labels and narratives confront colonial violence, or do they subtly legitimize ongoing possession? While some museums have begun to acknowledge imperial plunders in their descriptions (ICOM, 2022), such gestures often exist in tension with institutional reluctance to address restitution. This duality reflects a broader moral dilemma: Is “acknowledgement” a step toward decolonization, or merely a performative shield against demands for justice?

Museums identifying and acknowledging colonial heritage can be the first step toward authentic decolonization, laying the groundwork for real restitution efforts.

Legal Labyrinths and Loopholes Yet, a holistic approach from European museums to restitute colonial heritage remains elusive. Notwithstanding the legal instruments available in public international law, certain legal principles in international law limit the act of restitution Even if a museum wishes to return a colonial artefact to its country of origin, domestic laws can tie its hands. This is especially true in civil law countries that adopt the principle of inalienability (French Heritage Code, n.d.).

Toward New Frameworks

Despite these constraints, emerging solutions are redefining the conversation. Cultural institutions are beginning to explore hybrid models that allow for more equitable and inclusive heritage stewardship. Another key shift is the growing emphasis on shared narratives. Museums are increasingly acknowledging that artefacts carry multiple meanings: aesthetic, historical, and emotional. This recognition has led to initiatives where the curatorial voice is shared with the cultures of origin, through bilingual labels, community consultations, or co-produced exhibitions (British Museum, n.d.). These practices begin to reposition museums as contact zones rather than colonial showcases — spaces of dialogue, not dominion.


Cultural heritage is increasingly seen not just as a property right, but also as a human right (United Nations, 2007). The right to participate in cultural life is undermined when communities are cut off from their material heritage by oceans, visas, or colonial legacies. “Moral obligations” are gaining momentum in an ever-more globalized society and have become a trendy term in legislative reforms.

Together, these new frameworks signal a shift in the role of museums and heritage institutions — from static repositories of empires to active participants in redressing historical imbalances and fostering cross-cultural solidarity.

Restitution as Restorative Justice

Returning artefacts is not just about righting historical wrongs—it is a step toward restorative justice. For colonized or semi-colonized countries like China, these objects are not simply art; they are symbols of identity, memory, and loss. As societal calls for decolonization grow louder, so too must the resolve of institutions to listen, reflect, and act.

Museums are no longer neutral spaces. Their collections—especially those shaped by colonizing empires—are mobile heritage, and their journeys are far from over.

Authors’ Bios:

Martina Bruno is a PhD researcher in Interpreting, Translation and Intercultural Studies at the University of Bologna, Forlì Campus, and Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne within the Una Europa Doctoral program. Her research focuses on cultural heritage accessibility and linguistics surrounding museum collections. She collaborates on interdisciplinary projects dealing with decolonisation, restitution, and inclusive museum practices.

Maria Goretti Tai is a PhD researcher at Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and the University of Bologna. Her research focuses on the intersections of cultural heritage law, technology law, public law, and private law. She is an art lawyer with the New York Bar, the incoming Co-Chair of the Art and Cultural Heritage Law Committee of the American Bar Association, and a member of the Institute of Art and Law of France.

Keyi Yin is a PhD researcher in history and cultural heritage at the University of Helsinki and the University of Bologna. Her research interests include contemporary collecting, everyday life collecting, social history in museums, and critical approaches to museum representation, with a particular focus on power dynamics in museum narratives.

References

British Museum. (n.d.). Collection and display policies. Retrieved from: <https://www.britishmuseum.org>.

French Heritage Code. (n.d.). Code du patrimoine. Retrieved from: <https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr>.

ICOM. (2022). ICOM Code of Ethics for Museums. International Council of Museums.

Musée Cernuschi. (n.d.). Official website. Retrieved from: <https://www.cernuschi.paris.fr>.

Musée Guimet. (n.d.). Official website. Retrieved from: <https://www.guimet.fr/fr>.

UK Museums Association. (n.d.). Policy on restitution and repatriation. Retrieved from: <https://www.museumsassociation.org>.

UNESCO. (1970). Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property.

UNESCO. (2021). Re|Shaping Policies for Creativity: Addressing culture as a global public good.

UNIDROIT. (1995). Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects.

United Nations. (2007). United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

Harkis – The Forgotten of History

Francesca Modica PhD candidate University of Bologna & Universidad Complutense de Madrid

Maria Kim Jukna, PhD Candidate, Jagiellonian University & KU Leuven

Carlos Burgos Tartera, PhD Candidate, Universidad Complutense de Madrid & University of Edinburgh

Engaging with decolonial discourse in heritage—marked by processes of contestation, negotiation, and recognition—this paper will highlight that heritage practices extend beyond visible representations to encompass the lived experiences of communities shaped by traumatic pasts. It focuses on the difficult heritage of the Harkis in France, whose collective memory remains linked to the Mémorial du Camp de Rivesaltes, a site emblematic of the complex and layered dynamics of memory mediation.

The Mémorial du Camp de Rivesaltes functions as a multi-vocal commemorative institution, aiming to acknowledge the intersecting histories of interned communities: Jewish, Spanish, Romani, Harki, among others. However, its role as a shared memory space is continually challenged by the competition of memories, where narratives compete for visibility, one often taken precedence, leading other groups to fear symbolic marginalization. 

The tensions surrounding recognition at Rivesaltes reveal the influence of the Authorized Heritage Discourse a framework through which heritage is constructed, validated, and communicated by institutional and state actors. Rivesaltes Memorial faces the challenge of balancing inclusion with official narratives that often privilege certain forms of memory over others. For instance, while the Jewish experience has received prominent spatial and symbolic representation, other communities—such as Harki—have struggled to gain comparable visibility despite the efforts to challenge the authority of the official memory. The institutions like Rivesaltes Memorial, risk reproducing hierarchies of suffering under the guise of neutrality or universality in the face of the power of political agenda.

The history of the Rivesaltes camp has long been marginalised and overlooked in French public memory, as has the memory of the Harkis, who passed through it. In 2015, even before the opening of the Memorial Camp, Rivesaltes was politically instrumentalised by Nicolas Sarkozy, who paid homage to the memory of the Harkis, a week before the first round of the presidential elections, and by Marine Le Pen, who visited the camp the same year.

Camp Rivesaltes in the South of France, Wikimedia Commons
https://commons.m.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Kamp_Rivesaltes.JPG#filelinks

But the story of the Harkis predates these symbolic gestures. It is set within the Algerian War of Liberation (1954–1962), when thousands of Algerian people took part in the conflict not in the ranks of the National Liberation Front (FLN), but in those of the French army. This section of the population is referred to as Harkis, from the Arabic haraka “movement”, a generic umbrella term for this part of the population that encompasses individuals of all ages, social classes, religions, and geographical origins.

Resulting from the exploitation of colonial policies, following Algeria’s independence in 1962, many Harkis were forced to flee due to violent reprisals by the FLN. Their destination was France, where they were welcomed more as undesirable individuals than as French citizens. Indeed, the French government, already overwhelmed by the huge migratory flows, believed that the Harkis were not immediately ready for life in metropolitan areas without first “a more profound knowledge of the French language and of morals”, which camps like those in Bias, Saint-Maurice-l’Ardoise, Larzac and Rivesaltes were meant to provide them with.

The Rivesaltes camp, marked by severe living conditions, was closed in 1964. Together with the marginalisation and suffering this brought, it prompted the second and third generations to organise themselves. From the foundation of MADRAN in 1971 to protests in the 1990s and early 2000s, the second and third generations have fought to reclaim their rights and demand recognition. The struggle of the Harkis remains a central question in France’s confrontation with its colonial past, national identity and the politics of memory.  

To the Harki community, limited access to quality education has been one of the biggest challenges. The first generation, with scarce resources, were educated within their own communities, often disconnected from the French national education system. This, combined with frequent relocations between camps scattered across France, made integration into French society extremely difficult.

This exclusion led to segregation—from the camps to the banlieues (suburban neighbourhoods on the outskirts of cities like Lyon, Paris, and Marseille)—and to a pattern of discrimination that remains embedded in French society today. A 2019 study by the Institut National de la Statistique found that people with French-sounding names had a 26.7% higher success rate in housing applications compared to those with North African names.

Tensions in the banlieues between residents and police have repeatedly escalated into violent episodes. In 2005, a state of emergency was declared after three weeks of protests were sparked by a police chase that led to the deaths of three North African minors. In 2017, another case of police brutality ignited a 12-day wave of riots. Most recently, in 2023, the killing of Nahel Merzouk, a 17-year-old of Algerian descent, during a police traffic stop triggered eight days of unrest across the country. Despite this bleak panorama, there is room for hope. In 1999, the Algerian War was officially recognized as a “war” rather than simply as les événements (“the troubles”). Two years later, France commemorated the first national Harki Day. In 2022, President Emmanuel Macron issued a formal public apology to the Harki community, acknowledging France’s responsibility for their abandonment and mistreatment.

References

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/16/france-to-compensate-thousands-more-relatives-of-algerian-harki-fighters
https://www.lemonde.fr/en/algeria/article/2024/04/04/european-court-condemns-france-for-inhuman-or-degrading-treatment-of-harkis_6667392_221.html
https://www.icmigrations.cnrs.fr/2023/10/14/defacto-035-01
https://www.memorialcamprivesaltes.eu/en
https://www.harkis.gouv.fr/contenus-pedagogiques/visite-de-lieux-de-memoire
https://www.harkis.gouv.fr/contenus-pedagogiques/des-ressources-pour-enseigner
https://www.vie-publique.fr/discours/196803-declaration-de-m-manuel-valls-premier-ministre-en-hommage-aux-interne
https://www.memorialcamprivesaltes.eu/index.php/en
https://lejournal.cnrs.fr/articles/rivesaltes-memoire-de-linternement

Abrial S., Les enfants de Harkis. De la révolte à l’intégration, L’Harmattan, Histoire et perspectives méditerranéennes, Paris, 2001.

Achille E., Forsdick C. and Moudileno L., Postcolonial Realms of Memory Sites and Symbols in Modern France, Liverpool University Press, Liverpool, 2020. 

Cantoni, I., “Everyone Talks about the Wind”: Temporality, Climate and the More-Than-Representational Landscapes of the Memorial Du Camp De Rivesaltes, Visitor Experience at Holocaust Memorials and Museums, ed. Pepescu, D.I., Routledge, 2023

Eldridge C., ‘“We’ve Never Had a Voice”: Memory Construction and the Children of the Harkis (1962–1991)’, French History, 23, no. 1 (March 2009): 88–107, doi:10.1093/fh/crn062.

Evans M., Reprisal Violence and the ‘Harkis’ in French Algeria, 1962, The International History Review, vol. 39, no. 1, 2017, pp. 89–106. 

Fabbiano G., «Histoires de vie harkies, ou l’institutionnalisation d’une identité d’État», Journal des anthropologues [En ligne], Hors-série | 2007, mis en ligne le 01 janvier 2008.

Hamoumou M., Et ils sont devenus harkis, Paris, Fayard, 1993.

Hamoumou M., Les harkis, un trou de mémoire franco-algérien, Esprit, Mai 1990, No. 161 (5) (Mai 1990), pp. 25-45. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24274201.

Harrison, R., Heritage, Critical Approaches, Routledge, New York, 2013.

Miller, J.E., Camp for Foreigners and “Aliens”: The Harkis’ Exile at the Rivesaltes Camp, French Politics, Culture & Society, Winter 2013, Vol.31, No.3, p. 21-44.

Morin P.M., Leur guerre d’Algérie: enjeux de mémoire dans la socialisation politique des jeunes Français. Science politique. Institut d’études politiques de Paris – Sciences Po, 2022. Français.

Moumen A., Camp de Rivesaltes, camp de Saint-Maurice l’Ardoise. L’Accueil et le reclassement des harkis en France (1962-1964), Les Temps modernes, n° 666, novembre-décembre 2011, pp.105-119.

Moumen A., Le logement des harkis: une ségrégation au long cours, Métropolitiques,19 mars 2012. URL: http://www.metropolitiques.eu/Le-logement-des-harkis-une.html.

Smith, L., Uses of heritage, Routledge, New York, 2006.

Francesca Modica is a PhD student in the Department of Cultural and Environmental Heritage at the University of Bologna, in co-supervision with the Department of Geography and History at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Her current PhD project focuses on scientific information networks in the second half of the sixteenth century.

Maria Kim is a PhD student in the Doctoral School in the Humanities at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, in co-supervision with the KU Leuven. Her PhD project regards the difficult heritage and its revision, interpretation and transmission by the members of diasporic communities. 

Carlos Burgos Tartera is a PhD student in the Faculty of Geography and History from Complutense University, in co-supervision with the Department of Architecture at Bologna University. His PhD project focus in the heritage governance in mountain regions and how can promote rural regeneration.

Tourism in ethnic districts: authenticity vs performance

Beatriz Martínez Parra (Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Université Paris 1: Panthéon-Sorbonne)

Migratory processes towards Europe and America occurred from the late nineteenth century onwards. These processes were caused by the quest for economic prosperity and decolonization processes. In this context, ethnic groupings were conformed, mainly in large cities, where migrants and their descendants settled down (Sassone and Mera, 2007).

Ethnic districts were conformed on the basis of familial and social ties which consolidated through migratory chains. Migrants settled down in urban spaces, having an impact on them (Sassone and Mera, 2007) and generating cultural and social changes in the urban landscape (Quijano Gómez, 2009.).

When migrants arrived, they usually struggled for social and labour integration. Inside the enclave, their counterparts offer them employment opportunities and facilitate access to adequate housing (Terzano, 2014). However, on the outside, they are subjected to violence, labour exploitation and discrimination (Qadeer and Kumar, 2006).

As they were expelled and segregated by the receiving home society, their only alternative for survival was grouping and starting businesses run by them and for them (Qadeer and Kummar, 2006). This  entrepreneurial spirit is what has formed the ethnic districts which can be found today (Qadeer y Kummar, 2006).

At present, these urban agglomerations have been transformed into places focused on leisure (Schmiz, 2017). These neighbourhoods have been promoted by tourist literature as places which enrich local culture (Ford et al., 2010).

The issue that cities went from obviating the existence of these ethnic neighbourhoods to advertising them as must-visit places is the result of different factors (Maruyama et al., 2017). On the one hand, the reduction of industrial activities in cities that based their economic activity on the manufacturing industry. As a result, these cities needed to look for alternatives to the industry to maintain their economic activity (Maruyama et al., 2017). At the same time, it produced a change in consumers’ tastes, emerging a new market niche that was interested in individualized consumption and individual symbolic development (Maruyama et al., 2017). With this social and economic situation, the presence of ethnic neighbourhoods which count with a gastronomic and leisure offer with an exotic essence, were transformed into a resource for cities (Maruyama et al., 2017a).

In such a way, some of these neighbourhoods started to muster the attention of foreign visitors by being configured as ethnic tourism districts with their own personalities. 

Some of them have been the object of active policies of development and promotion as areas of leisure and tourism, taking advantage of the entrepreneurial talent of the migrant population (Shaw et al., 2004). At a political level, culture has been produced to develop a multicultural agenda which contributes to changing certain pejorative perceptions inherited regarding these neighbourhoods (Maruyama and Woosnam, 2015). Traditionally, city planners have been taking advantage of the cultural singularities of groups but also controlling the ways in which it presented this culture to tourists (Maruyama et al., 2017). Tourist districts embody the ethno-cultural diversity of big cities converting it into an asset (Vergun, 2019). It has developed branding, diversification and differentiation processes which look to produce places which attract consumers using global brand resources such as Chinatowns and Little Italy (Schmiz, 2017).

Chinese New Year’s Festival Parade in 2017, from: Flushing Chinese Business Association. https://documentedny.com/2023/01/17/lunar-new-year-in-nyc-where-to-celebrate-in-2023/

In this way, a considerable number of these districts are, thus, the object of interesting processes of heritagization and touristification. Many scholars have researched these processes of cultural asset transformation in tourist attractions, which are joined by the bundling of resources and services for their easy tourist consumption (Maccannell, 1973). In this context, María Soledad Laborde (2008) indicated that the visibility of, for example, Chinese neighbourhoods, implied the selection of a series of cultural performances which are legitimated by governments, because they, together, conform to a resource to raise an image of the city from a tourism approach (Laborde, 2008). 

In these processes, the authenticity of cultures vanishes, and it is replaced by the thematization of landscapes (Loukaitou-Sideris and Soureli, 2012). Santos, Belhassen and Canton (2008), in fact, specified that ethnic tourism in cities is developed in a commodification context of ethnicity for tourism (Santos, et, al., 2008). Moreover, in many cases, local culture is commodified without the consent of the participants (Cohen, 1988). In this manner, the commodification destroys the authenticity of local culture and in its place appears a “staged authenticity” (Cohen, 1988). Similarly, this tends to generate the perpetuation of stereotypes, which could turn into an amalgamation of the exotic perceived under the perception of the socially dominant majority (Loukaitou-Sideris and Soureli, 2012).

Nevertheless, tourists usually react in a positive way to rebuilt cultural performances or attractions developed with the purpose of attracting tourism and always with a certain sensation of authenticity and exotism (McKercher et al., 2004). In fact, it has been suggested that lots of people who visit cultural tourist attractions look for stereotyped images from the past (McKercher et al., 2004). 

Consequently, the debate on whether ethnic districts really need to be ornamented with stereotyped images to satisfy tourist demand or if they should maintain their own aesthetic (which may provide a more real and authentic experience) arises. It is possible that the lack of ornamentation reduces the number of visitors who arrive in the neighbourhood. Nevertheless, there are some tourists and visitors who reject this type of performance and look for other types of experiences where you really see how people live. Regarding residents, neighbours may not feel represented by the ornamentation of the area. However, the arrival of visitors attracted by decoration may provide income to the neighbourhood. Should the new and potential ethnic neighbourhoods surrender to ornamentation and cultural performances as well-known Chinatowns or should differ from them and offer other types of experience? Maybe there is no correct or wrong answer in this debate. Nonetheless, when developing and implementing policies for ethnic neighbourhood development I consider it key to consider all stakeholders, including civil society to arrive at the most adequate decision.

Beatriz Martínez Parra has a degree in Tourism and a master’s degree in Planification and Management of Tourist Destinations, both at Complutense University of Madrid. She decided to study Tourism not just because it is a great industry (specially in Spain), but because it is a cross-cutting and at the same time multi-purpose issue. She chose the topic of my thesis while working on the Una Europa project named CUTE. In this project she studied, together with Maria García, Juan Angel Martin, Ana Yañez and other master’s students (as she was), heritagization processes in the districts of Usera and Villaverde. Usera is nowadays becoming the Chinatown of Madrid. Beatriz has been always interested in topics regarding ethnicity, anthropology, culture, heritage… And, since the Chinatowns of the world are touristy areas, it is interesting for her to study how the ethnic districts and neighborhoods are conformed, and to research firstly the heritagization processes of these areas and secondly the turistization processes, usually attached to the previous heritagization processes.

Referencies:

Cohen, E. (1988). Authenticity and commoditization in tourism.  Annals of Tourism Research. 15. 371-386. DOI: doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(88)90028-X.

Ford, L., Klevisser, F., Carli, F. (2008). Ethnic Neighborhoods and Urban Revitalization: Can Europe Use the American Model? Geographical Review. 98(1). 82 – 102. DOI:10.1111/j.1931-0846.2008.tb00289.x.

Laborde, M. S. (2008). Apropiación y disputa en la conformación del “Barrio Chino” en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires: el patrimonio inmaterial como estrategia. IX Congreso Argentino de Antropología Social. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales – Universidad Nacional de Misiones, Posadas. 

Loukaitou-Siders, A. y Soureli, K. (2012). Cultural Tourism as an Economic Development Strategy for Ethnic Neighborhoods. Economic Development Quarterly. 26(1). 50-72. DOI:10.1177/0891242411422902.

Maruyama, N., Woosnam, K. (2015). Residents’ ethnic attitudes and support for ethnic neighborhood tourism: The case of a Brazilian town in Japan. Tourism Management. 50(2015). 225-237. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2144.

Maruyama, N., Woosnam, K. Boley, B. (2017). Who is ethnic neighborhood tourism for anyway? Considering perspectives of the dominant cultural group. International Journal of Tourism Research. 19(6). 727-735. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2144.

MacCannell, D. (1973) Staged Authenticity: Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Settings. American Journal of Sociology. 79. 589-603. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/225585.

McKercher, B., Ho, P., du Cros, H. (2004). Attributes of popular cultural attractions in Hong Kong. Annals of Tourism Research. 31(2). 393-407. DOI: 10.1016/j.annals.2003.12.008.

Qadeer, M., Kumar, S. (2006) Ethnic enclaves and social cohesion. Canadian Journal of Urban Research. 15 (2). 1-17.

Quijano Gómez, E.  (2019).  Barrios chinos:  cultura, economía y turismo.  Reflexiones sobre transnacionalidad y etnicidad en la era de la globalización. Revista Ciudades, Estados y Política. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15446/cep.v6n3.84044.

Santos, C., Belhassen, Y. y Catón, K. (2008). Reimagining Chinatown: An analysis of tourism discourse. Tourism Management. 29(5). 1002-1012. DOI:10.1016/j.tourman.2008.01.002.

Sassone, S.M., Mera, C. (2007). Barrios de migrantes, espacios interculturales: coreanos y bolivianos en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires. XXVI Congreso de la Asociación Latinoamericana de Sociología. Asociación Latinoamericana de Sociología (ALA). Guadalajara, México. 

Schmiz, A. (2017). Staging a ‘Chinatown’ in Berlin: The role of city branding in the urban governance of ethnic diversity. European Urban and Regional Studies, 24(3), 290–303. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0969776416637208V.

Shaw, S., Bagwell, S. y Karmowska, J. (2004). Ethnoscapes as Spectacle: Reimaging Multicultural Districts as New Destinations for Leisure and Tourism Consumption. Urban Studies. 41(10). 1983–2000. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/0042098042000256341

Terzano, K. (2014). Commodification of Transitioning Ethnic Enclaves. Behavioral science. 4(4). 341-51. DOI: 10.3390/bs4040341.

Vergun T.V. (2019). Ethnic villages as a factor of the development of ethnic tourism. Science Almanac of Black Sea Region Countries. 20(4). 29-35. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/0042098042000256341.

Ladino on the move: The transnational circulation of Selanikli Coen Family letters

Defne Özözer (Université Paris 1: Panthéon-Sorbonne, Helsingin Yliopisto)

The Cohen family in Salonica, from Rony Alfandary’s personal archive:
https://www.ronyalfandary.com/post/the-cohen-collection

Rony Alfandary, born in England after the Holocaust, encountered a chest full of letters, found by family members in his great-uncle Léon Cohen’s house in Marseille. Like many other Ottoman Jews, his ancestors emigrated to different places in the first half of the 20th century. Rony studied some of these letters and the collective memory of his family in his book titled: Postmemory, Psychoanalysis and Holocaust Ghosts: The Salonica Cohen Family and Trauma Across Generations. His work is based upon letters circulated between Rita Cohen Parenti (1903-1986) in Palestine, Léon (1901-1942) and Isaac Cohen (1898-1942) in Paris, and the rest of the Cohen family in Salonica.

As a psychotherapist, Rony is interested in the relationship between one’s psychology and the happenings in their family’s past. That being said, his family letters also provide new primary sources for us, the historians. These 400 documents contain administrative papers and letters in English, French, Greek, Hebrew, and Ladino. The ones in Ladino provide us with incredibly delicate and one-of-a-kind information. This is because Ladino, today an endangered language, is unique to the Sephardic Jewish community – a community that composed the majority of Salonica’s population until the First Balkan Wars.

Example of Ladino in Solitreo cursive writing (right) and printed Hebrew characters (left) from https://www.avlaremoz.com/2021/05/30/roportaj-devin-naar-ile-ladino-edebiyata-bakis-1-3/

Ladino is known worldwide by different names such as “Judezmo” or “Judeo-Spanish.” The language is mainly spoken by Sephardic Jews, who are Jews of Iberian (Spanish and Portuguese) origin. Ladino is based on old Spanish and contains many words from other languages of the people that Sephardic Jews have been in contact with, such as Hebrew, Portuguese, Arabic, Turkish, Greek, French, and Italian.

Jewish Women’s Archive. “Sephardic Immigration.”
<https://jwa.org/media/map-of-sephardic-immigration>.

During the Spanish Inquisition in the 15th century, the Iberian Jews started fleeing Catholic rule. Especially after the Alhambra Decree issued by Spain in 1492 and the edict of expulsion for Jews and Muslims by King of Portugal Manuel I in 1496, mass conversions, persecutions, and emigration took place. The expelled Jews and Muslims emigrated to other Mediterranean regions, primarily Italy, North Africa, the Levant, and the Balkans. Ottoman Sultan at the time (Bayezid II) sent the Ottoman navy to help Iberian Jews migrate and settle in main port cities, such as Salonica, Adana, and İzmir. That is why most Ottoman Jews speak Judeo-Spanish, also known as Ladino.

Ladino was the common language spoken in Salonica during the Ottoman period (1492-1912) due to the notable Jewish presence. Moreover, Salonica was home to eminent Ladino newspapers of the Ottoman World, such as La Epoka and El Avenir. However, after the city became a part of Greece (1912), Jews of Salonica, who were subjects of an empire prior to this development, received the status of minority in a nation-state, and Greek was recognized as the official language. The demographic situation in the city also changed significantly after 1912 due to the turn of events, including the arrival of Greek-speaking people from neighbors by population exchange treaties with Bulgaria and Turkey (1919-1924), the Great Fire of Salonica in the Jewish neighborhood (1917), and the assimilation attempts by Greece. Nonetheless, Ladino remained widely spoken in Salonica until the Nazi occupation of Greece (1943).

Today, it is estimated that 130,000 people on earth speak Ladino, around 100 being in Salonica.

During the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans (the 1870s to 1920s), many Ladino-speaking Sephardic Jews left their hometowns. As a result, a big part of the diaspora lives today in the United States, France, and Israel. However, many are dispersed around the world. Rony Alfandary’s family is an excellent example; his ancestors scattered in France, the UK, the US, Greece, and Israel. Unfortunately, only the ones who migrated to the US, the UK, and Palestine before the 1940s have survived, while the rest were victims of the Holocaust.

View of Salonica from the height of the Jewish cemetery, on an unknown date Ottoman postcard, with the Rotunda (right) and the Aristotle University building (left) in the background (public domain).

When studying the history of underrepresented ethnic or religious groups within nation-states, there is only so much we can learn from conventional primary sources. Sources like administrative documents, ephemerals, newspapers, or pamphlets were either in the official languages of the nation-state or were subjected to censorship before or after their publication. In Salonica’s case, except for the newspapers, official sources are either in English, Turkish, French, or Greek. On the other hand, personal papers were written in Ladino – the language spoken by the community. These letters and mémoires provide information from inside the community.

Defne ÖZÖZER is a Ph.D. student in History at the University of Paris 1, Panthéon-Sorbonne, and History and Cultural Heritage at Helsinki University. Her research focuses on the Jewish community of Salonica and its diaspora, with a specific interest in education and language.

Circulations of visitors and new identity: the case of the former concessions of Wuhan

Xinyu Li (Université Paris 1: Panthéon-Sorbonne, Complutense University of Madrid)

The preservation and protection of historical heritage in China have been going on since the 1980s. In 1982, several measures for identifying and protecting heritage at the national level were established. In 1985, China joined the World Heritage Convention. According to the 2019 report of the National Cultural Heritage Bureau of China, more than 4 thousand monuments were protected at the national level in China.

Compared with the traditional historic districts, there is a type of heritage with some peculiarities in China, i.e., the former concessions. Different from colonies, the sovereignty of the concession areas remained with China. However, the economy and administration of these places were under the control of the occupying countries. These districts were enclaves outside Chinese jurisdiction. Under the influence of communist ideology, they were considered a colonial symbol for about 30 years before the Chinese economic reform in 1978. Thus, this type of heritage built by a large state is, in a sense, dissonant (Tunbridge, Ashworth, 1996).

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the potential value for tourism and substantial commercial returns of this heritage category has been discovered (He & Wu, 2005). The unique cultural landscape of the concession districts offers an “exotic” image different from the general urban view in China. Under this background, cities with concession areas started projects to preserve and develop these heritages. For example, in 2002, the Xintiandi renovation project was completed in Shanghai. The former Italian Concession was requalified as New I-Style Town in Tianjin in 2009 (Lu, 2017). A renovation project of a street museum on Li Huangpi Road in Wuhan was launched in 2014 (Cheng, Yu, Li, 2017). The city governments often guide these projects. They often choose to put heritage preservation and touristification together. In this process, there is a significant population movement. Therefore, what is the result of the population movement of these projects?

Li Huangpi Road area after the renovation
Photo by Xinyu LI 2020

Li Huangpi Road (known as Yima Street) is the main street of the former Russian Concession, close to the former French Concession. The road is about 600 meters long and contains almost all the elements that make up a city: administrative buildings, residential buildings, police stations, business buildings, hostels, banks, schools, the hospitals, most built between 1910-1927 by the German architect Richard Sachse. In the first half and middle of the 20th century, most residents were local Chinese. It was not until the 1980s, with the economic and urban development, that large numbers of suburban and rural populations moved into the area, searching for jobs and renting these apartments. According to the surveys, most residents in this area are low-income and have a very high percentage of mobility. Many apartments are divided by plaster walls into small, temporary rooms for rent (Cheng, Yu, Li, 2017).

In 2000, a street museum was set up in the area to preserve and display the neighborhood’s architecture and culture. The facades of these buildings were replaced with old red bricks. Some presentation boards were set up to introduce the history of the neighborhood and the buildings. At the same time, several street committees were established with the government’s support. These committees organize activities and events to encourage residents to participate in preserving and promoting the local culture. The collective memory and cultural activities are combined with the daily life of the community residents.

The establishment of the “street museum” has made this area a public cultural space. The unique history and Western-style urban landscape attracted small companies and restaurants. After becoming a street museum, this area gradually gained many cultural and fashion facilities, such as photography studios, art salons, galleries, cafes, and bars. Some freelance artists and craftspeople rented vacant rooms to use as their offices. The combination of Western heritage with café-restaurants and art studios brought new mobility and dynamism to the neighborhood and created an image of an exotic western cityscape (Qiu & Liu, 2019). These images have attracted residents, and tourists from other cities to visit the area. This mobility has enhanced the visibility of this area. So, it gradually transformed from a traditional residential area to a multifunctional, commercial, cultural, and tourist area.

However, the completion of the renovation project and the mobility of artists and tourists have led to an increase in local consumption levels and the price of living. Lots of original residents could not afford these costs, so they moved to other areas of the city with lower spending levels. The vacant rooms are then used as restaurants or studios. This has led to the further cost of living increases and the departure of the original residents.

Today, Li Huangpi Road became a well-known tourist site, because of the Western-style buildings and various bars and restaurants (Chen & Xu, 2021). In this area, we could no longer see the elderly and low-income residents, but it is filled with a large number of young people. The road has become a great place to take photos, which are great to post on social media. It became equally a place to meet friends and have parties.

The departure of the original residents and the circulation of tourists hide or dilute the collective memory. The heritage with once colonial history has been given a new narrative and identity, becoming a public space for tourism, commerce, and entertainment. Both public and private actors are involved in their own way in the preservation and reuse of these architectural heritages. The building facades were preserved and restored as a material heritage, becoming a landmark symbol in the city.

Xinyu Li is an architect and Ph.D. Candidate in planning at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, and geography at the Complutense University of Madrid. His research focuses on the heritization, touristification, and physical-social transformation of historical areas, with a specific interest in historical towns and Western-themed spaces in former concessions in China.

References

Chen, E., & Xu, H. (2021, June). Research on the protection and utilization of historical and cultural blocks under the New Museum Theory——Taking the Street Museum of Lihuangpi Road in Wuhan as an example. In IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 787(1). IOP Publishing.

Cheng, S., Yu, Y., & Li, K. (2017). Historic conservation in rapid urbanization: a case study of the Hankow historic concession area. Journal of urban Design, 22(4), 433-454.

He, S., & Wu, F. (2005). Property-led redevelopment in post-reform China: A case study of Xintiandi redevelopment project in Shanghai. Journal of Urban Affairs, 27(1), 1-23.

Lu, Y. (2017). De l’ancienne concession italienne de Tianjin à l’I-Style Town : enjeux et processus de la patrimonialisation et du développement touristique. Ph.D. thesis, University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France.

Qiu, J., & Liu, Z. (2019). The Charm of Slow Thinking—Taking the Street Museum on the Lihuangpi Road of Wuhan as an Example. In 3rd International Conference on Art Studies: Science, Experience, Education (ICASSEE 2019) (pp. 269-276). Atlantis Press.

Tunbridge, J. E., & Ashworth, G. J. (1996). Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict. Chichester: Wiley.

Heritage on the Move

”Heritage on the move” was born out of the UNA Europa transnational research team “Heritage, Global Migration and Mobility”. It brings together research and researchers from all across Europe to write, debate and cooperate on issues of mobility, movement, migration in heritage in a global context. Most of all, it aims to be an open space for thinking about what critical heritage can contribute to scholarly and societal discussions on mobility and migration. Employing a grassroots approach, it invites members of the research team to engage in a lively discussion on what critical heritage is, how heritage can be understood, protected and experienced, and how their ongoing research can inform international and global conversations about mobile and migrant heritages.